Prepared by the Andean Information Network
February 13, 2003
On February 11, the Bolivian National Police force threw up its hands in La Paz and decided to not leave its stations. Although the force had been a traditional ally of the MNR ruling party, increasing strength of the armed forces, at the expense of internal law enforcement and the economic crisis had caused deep-rooted resentment. Police forces in Cochabamba and Santa Cruz joined the strike on February 12. The « mutiny » is in response to the Sánchez de Lozada government's announcement of a new tax of approximately 12.5% to be deducted from all salaried employees who received more than four times the minimum wage. The tax is in addition to a pre-existing « added value » tax of 12.5%, which would be slightly reduced. The salary deductions (including pension funds) of the average Bolivian would increase to over 30%. As one citizen lamented, « We would have to earn a living wage, before we could pay taxes on it. »
The government announcement, a result of pressure from the IMF, came on the heels of the news that salary increases this year would be negligible. After almost four years of gripping economic crisis the measure was the last straw. The political climate in the nation was already festering. Over two weeks of dialogue with protesting sectors had reached no conclusions, except compensation for the dead and injured. Coca growers, who complain that the government merely uses the negotiations to stall, continue to demand a break in eradication or voluntary eradication, leaving one hectare of coca per family. U.S. Ambassador, David Greenlee, reiterated U.S. opposition to the pause on February 7. Apparently timing is not this administration's strong suit.
On February 11, Coca grower leader Evo Morales, as well as other MAS leaders met with the head of the Private Businesspeople's association and were in agreement about their opposition to the « tax slam » as it is being called here. This unlikely alliance reflects the severity of the crisis and the incapacity of the Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada Administration. Protesting sectors and members of the general public expressed growing frustration, as the « reserved funds » portion of the newly announced budgets as well as the military budget remain virtually untouched. Reserved funds are not subject to public scrutiny and include considerable bonuses to government officialssometimes over $10,000 monthly, which are not taxed. That government coalition UCS party leader, Johnny Fernández's family owes over 10,000,000 dollars in back taxes, only exacerbates public outrage. Efforts of the administration, to reduce profits of international oil companies in the nation, proved to be too little, too late, and provoked the subtle admonition from the U.S. Embassy, that it would be better to « enter into dialogue » with the petroleum giants.
At approximately 10 a.m. a group of protestors and police entered the Murillo Plaza. At around noon, students from the Avaroa High School police and threw rocks at the government palace and other buildings in the Murillo Plaza. Although the government had immediately called for support from the armed forces in the morning, the arrived after almost two hours, provoking suspicion that their allegiance to the Goni administration may also be faltering. Additional police streamed into the sector, many from the nearby Special Security Group (GES) headquarters nearby. Ironically, the GES had reinforced its reputation for harsh repression of protesting groups during the two weeks of conflict in mid-January. By one p.m. gunshots rang out and a massive confrontation between police and armed forces began that lasted for most of the afternoon. Police fired tear gas, and firearms. Military fired directly into the crowd, from the plaza and snipers shot at protestors from surrounding buildings.
Accounts of dead (13-18) – the great majority police, from bullet wounds and the approximately 80 wounded vary (Please see list attached at the end of this update). Some channels televised the clash in full, and others closed transmission for a period of several hours. Reports were frequently interrupted by call for blood donors, as city supplies had long run out. The intensity of gunfire increased during the afternoon. Snipers even fired close to a commission of the Permanent Human Rights Assembly attempted to mediate the conflict. Waldo Albarracín, president of this nongovernmental human rights group stated that the military, not the police force, was responsible for the great majority of the gunfire. One expatriate living in La Paz noted many bloodstains in the plaza and hundreds of bullet holes in surrounding buildings.
Although President Sánchez de Lozada announced the suspension of the tax measure at 4:30 p.m., and in spite of arduous efforts of the Permanent Assembly, Human Rights Ombudsman, and the Church, violence continued. Protestors began to demand the resignation of the President and vice president. Once, again, the government acceded to protesting groups demands only after widespread violence which could have been avoided.
Partially in response to the injury and death of innocent bystanders, the mob of civilian protestors grew, some armed with pistols and rifles. After discovering that the military had used ambulances to transport weapons and tear gas, a common practice during social conflicts in Bolivia, protestors began to impede the access of these vehicles. As the majority of the police force gradually retreated, civilians began to loot the city and set fire to the Labor Ministry, Vice Presidential offices, the municipal government offices and other businesses in El Alto, and various coalition party headquarters. Protestors also sacked downtown businesses and destroyed cash machines throughout the night. Globalization analyst, Tom Kruse, noted that many of the offices and business looted were related to privatization efforts or international conglomerates.
At approximately 6:30 p.m., National Police Commander, Edgar Pardo, visited the rebelling officers in the GES headquarters. Pardo, who had been attempting to convince his charges to end the mutiny cried when he saw the bodies of the police dead and stated, I am turning my uniform in to this massacring government, » and resigned.
(La Razón 2- 13-03).
Although the government and police reached a preliminary agreement near dawn, these forces have yet to assume their law enforcement duties. Clashes have continued today with additional dead and wounded. Tanks have now moved into the Murillo Plaza.
As a result of the widespread violence, the government euphemistically announced a national « holiday, » closing all banks, offices and schools.
Opposition parties, including MAS, MIP and third place presidential candidate, Manfred Reyes Villa's party NFR have joined most social sectors in demanding the resignation of both the president and vice president.
State Department spokesman, Richard Boucher stated in a press release today that the United States, « reiterates our support of President Sánchez de Lozada and the government coalition; in addition we urge all Bolivians to respect the constitutionally elected government and abstain from using violence... The United States, along with our friends in the international community and pertinent international financial institutions, supports the objectives of the Bolivian government in restoring economic stability, continuing Bolivia's economic path and offering hope for a better life for the Bolivian people » (AIN translation from Spanish http//lapaz.usembassy.gov). The Organization of American States, Mercosur and Latin American leaders have sent similar messages.
As violence escalated in La Paz, military police violently dispersed a group of over 1000 marchers from different sectors protesting the tax increase in the main plaza. A television camera captured one child, approximately eight years old with a rubber pellet wound in the face. Cochabamba police remained in their stations. Repression of protestors continued throughout the afternoon and evening. Angry protestors burnt ruling party MNR headquarters. Today confrontations continue. Several thousand protestors have blocked main intersections in the downtown area. Around midday, military moved in with small tanks near the post office and GES headquarters. Eyewitnesses states that military within one tank shot a protestor in the leg after he threw a rock. Looting continued in the downtown area, but to a lesser degree than in La Paz.
Originally, Chapare coca producers had planned to initiate road blockades on Monday, February 11. Intense rainfall caused a natural blockade, washing out a bridge and the highway between Santa Cruz and Cochabamba. Intense flooding in part of the region, paired with an epidemic of the mosquito-borne dengue disease also contributed to the decision to postpone the measure. For the past ten days, coca growers have held peaceful vigils along the main highways with approximately 15 percent of each union attending at any time. There were no confrontations as a result of this practice.
On February 13, though, in response to the aggravated conflict in La Paz and Cochabamba, and negligible police presence, began to actively block the highway. Trópico Federation leader Feliciano Mamani stated that in addition to the continuing demands of the cocaleros, they now request the immediate resignation of Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada and the return of privatized industries to full state control.
There were confrontations throughout the regions. One of the most violent clashes occurred in Cruce Villa Union, approximately 267 km from Cochabamba. While attempting to clear the road, military forces shot coca grower Juan Carlos Castro Méndez in the left leg, presumably severing the femoral artery. He died almost immediately from blood loss. Four other farmers received bullet wounds during the same incident:
In the same region, soldiers detained eight farmers. Unconfirmed press reports state that another cocalero, Juan Sejas was also killed.
In Villa Tunari at approximately 6:30 a.m. coca growers blockaded the highway, members of the CIOS II military base repeatedly cleared the road, using tear gas as protestors quickly replaced the branches and stones. Close to 10 a.m. soldiers stormed into to union headquarters, destroying pots and pans and confiscated coca growers' belongings, which have since been returned.
In another incident, in Pena Colorado, near Siete Curvas, one soldier bashed journalist Wilson Maldonado in the head with his rifle butt. Maldonado is receiving medical attention at the Villa Tunari Hospital.
Tensions in the Chapare remain high. Military personnel, without police back-up are visibly anxious as a result of the nationwide chaos. Coca growers, infuriated by the dead and wounded and feeling strengthened by the multi-sector protest throughout the country, will probably attempt to increase the intensity of blockades.
In spite of the spiraling chaos in La Paz, Cochabamba, and the Chapare, high-level Bolivian government officials have been almost invisible, exacerbating mounting nationwide despair. A government plan or strategy to end the conflict has also been conspicuously absent. In spite of the mounting conflict, many ministers flew out of La Paz late last night. Passengers on the flights heckled as they entered the planes. A presidential press conference is scheduled for this evening.
Sánchez refuses to resign. Government officials have stated that they will not call for a State of Siege, a modified form of state of emergency that permits the government to carry out widespread detentions, impose curfews, forbid meetings and other measures. The decision to not call the state of siege (used for six months by the previous Sánchez government in 1995), is most likely a result of the administration's fear that they would not be able to enforce it.) It is possible that armed forces will not be willing to support the flailing coalition indefinitely.
At this time, the great majority of Bolivian public has apparently lost faith in the president's capacity to run the country. Even sectors of the MNR, his own party, have attempted to distance themselves. Public discontentment and uncertainty continues to grow, but no major opposition leader has garnered widespread support. In spite of continued demands for a change in government, no clear alternatives have been presented. International pressure will impede resignation. Any new leader would inherit the intense economic and social problems facing this administration, as well as the intense international pressure from the U.S. and international financial organisms that has aggravated the crisis.
Dead 1. - Severo Rosas (civilian) 2. - Macario Justiniano (police) 3. - Tte. Omar Nemer (police) 4. - Capt. José Mendizábal (army) 5. - NN 6. - Franklin Paye (civilian) 7. - NN (police) 8. - NN (civilian) 9. - NN (civilian) 10.- Máximo Soto (civilian) 11.- Miguel Vega Lucero (police) 12.- Alaín Rodríguez (military Police) 13.- NN conscripto (military police) 14.- NN police 15.- NN poce Preliminary List of hospitalized Wounded Lourdes Mamani Fernando Alípaz Franz Espinoza Valentín Céspedes Gonzalo Díaz Wilfredo Alí Luis Condori Lidia Ariñez Iván Llanque Rómulo Álvarez Michael Orlando Ramos Roberto Villca Francisco Callisaya Edgar Rodríguez Tania Taboada Álvaro Limachi Odelio Calle Bercherman Chaca Julio Mamani Ariel Durán Hugo Mamani Angélica Sánchez Arturo Ríos Eliodoro Tarqui David Rivera Benchi Cuéllar Luis Aruquipa Javier Pastén Carlos Gutiérrez Severo Guzmán Armando Calle Zenobio Cruz Óscar Durán Juan Quispe Juan Llanque Irineo Apaza Jesús Ibáñez Julián Alcón Erick Alcón Armando Ibáñez Carlos Gallo Vaca Cortez Gonzalo Salinas Chambi Ramiro Mena Huayta Gonzalo Mamani Rodrigo Pedro Patiño Vera Óscar René Durán Gamarra Roberto Villca Condori Wilson Bautista Félix Huynapaco Yujra Ladislao Ancasi Condori Martín Acarapi Lazcano Edson Santos Mengoa Omar E. Ochoa Blanco Fernando Troche Zegales Davil Quispe Gonzales Heiber Mondaca Cabrera Ronald Llado Viscarra Promo Mamani Ticona Gregorio Sossa Yanarico Reynaldo Flores Colque Carlos Tito Burgos Rubén Vargas Cocarico