Revolution and Counterrevolution in Venezuela

By Walden Bello*

The political reality of Venezuela hits me as soon as I arrive, like a 
blast of hot Caribbean air.  A friendly question triggers a torrent of
anti-Chavez denunciations from the young professional serving as my
driver from the airport that only ends when he deposits me at the 
Hilton.

"We used to be a tolerant country," he claims.  "Now Chavez has set 
the lower class against the middle class, the black people against the 
whites.  Sure, there are a few abusive rich people, but it's not just 
them he's targeted.  It's people like me.  You know, middle class 
people, with an apartment, two cars, maybe a vacation outside the 
country once a year."

"But beware," he cautions me as he drives off.  "You'll meet him 
tomorrow night, and he can really be charming."

A SECOND BOLIVAR?
Indeed he is.  At a banquet for participants at an international 
conference the next evening, Hugo Chavez, president of the Bolivarian 
Republic of Venezuela, is at his social, disarming best.  Upon being 
introduced to me, he takes me by the hand, , pretending to lead me in 
the Filipino bamboo dance "tinikling," which he says he learned during 
a state visit to the Philippines.  And far into the evening, he talks 
expansively on a wide range of topics, from his being saved and 
reinstalled by the poor in Miraflores, the presidential palace, during 
the failed coup of April 11-13, to his dream of integrating the
petroleum industries of Venezuela, Brazil, and other oil producers in 
Latin America.

Chavez' effusiveness is remarkable given the fact that Venezuela is on 
the brink of civil war.  In this, he resembles his hero, Simon Bolivar, 
the larger-than-life Venezuelan who led the liberation of Spanish 
America in the early 19th century, who is said to have maintained an 
enthusiastic disposition even in the midst of the most trying political 
and personal crisis.

A second coup attempt is said to be brewing among the "anti-
Chavistas," which include the elite and middle class, the media, the 
hierarchy of the Catholic Church, and parts of the army.  Caracas is 
filled with rumors--with two dates frequently cited as D-Day, July 5
and July 11.

Gilberto Jimenez, a young Chavez partisan, discounts the rumors as 
the product of the middle class' "scaring itself."  "It's like the talk about 
the "Bolivarian circles" arming themselves," he remarks, referring to 
the grasssroots institutions that Chavez' people have set up in the 
barrios or popular districts.  "There's no truth to it.  But they email this 
to one another, and pretty soon, they [the middle class] are talking 
about arming themselves."

FAILED COUP
The class divisions in this country showed itself to the world as an ugly 
wound during the events of April 11-13.  During a confrontation 
between opposition and government demonstrators on April 11, still 
unidentified gunmen fired into the crowd, killing 18, mostly pro-
Chavez people.  A few hours later, after army chief Gen. Efrain 
Vasquez demands Chavez' resignation, rebel officers and soldiers 
seize him at Miraflores and bring him, first to the Venezuelan army 
headquarters at Fort Tiuna, then to an island off the Venezuelan coast. 
 
A junta headed by Pedro Carmona Estanga, head of the Venezuelan 
Chamber of Commerce and backed by key generals and admirals, 
installs itself in power and unilaterally dissolves the National 
Assembly, Supreme Court, National Electoral Council, and all state
and municipal governments.  It also nullifies a package of 48 laws 
approved by the National Assembly that the right regards as a threat 
to the existing property system.

It is a classic case of overreach.  Angered by the brazen moves and 
refusing to believe that Chavez has "resigned," many military units 
declare for Chavez even as hundreds of thousands of poor people 
descend on central Caracas from the ranchos, or slums, surrounding 
the city, creating a critical mass that scatters the pro-coup forces.  

Recalling the events, Chavez tells us over dinner, "The government
was weak, we were weak, but in our moment of need, the people 
came out to the streets and saved us."  The event, says Peruvian 
sociologist Anibal Quijano, has significance beyond Venezuela, being
"the first victory of the masses in the Americas and the world in a long,
long time."

In 48 hours, Chavez is back in power.  Meanwhile, not a few 
institutions have egg on their face.  The New York Times, for 
instance, editorializes in favor of the coup on Saturday, April 13, then 
retracts on Tuesday, April 16.  Like the Times, the Bush 
administration blames Chavez for bringing the coup on himself, then 
begins to fudge as soon as he is back in power.   But the damage is 
done.  Many European and Latin American governments criticize the 
US for tolerating the overthrow of a democratically elected 
government.  Indeed, many people, in Venezuela and outside, suspect 
the US had a hand in the coup, claiming that two US Navy officers 
were seen with coup leaders at Fort Tiuna on the night of April 11 
and 12.

The question is critical, but whether or not the US had a hand in 
developments, some sort of social confrontation was inevitable.

TWO NATIONS, ONE COUNTRY
Venezuela is one of Latin America's most class-divided countries.  It 
is estimated that 80 per cent of the people live in poverty, with the 
World Bank estimating that the share of the national income going to 
the lowest 20 per cent of the population is only 3.7 per cent, while
that of the highest 10 per cent is 37 per cent.  The vast wealth 
differentials were to some extent mitigated during the halcyon days of 
OPEC in the early 1980's, when some of the oil money did trickle 
down in a country that was then known as "Latin America's Saudi 
Arabia."   But with the collapse of oil prices and the initiation of a 
wrenching structural adjustment program, Venezuela entered into 
permanent constant economic crisis since the mid-eighties.  "It was 
spectacular," says Neils Liberani, a small businessman.  "Per capita 
fell from nearly $2000 in the eighties  to $110 today."  

The "Caricazo" of 1989, when people from the barrios descended on
and rioted in the center and rich districts of Caracas in protest against 
fuel price increases demanded by the International Monetary Fund, is 
said to have been a determining event in Chavez' political evolution.
Three years later, in February 1992, the young idealistic colonel led a
failed coup in the name of the poor masses which was styled as a 
"Bolivarian military uprising."

The coup failed, but it catapulted Chavez into the center of 
Venezuelan politics, and when he ran for president in 1998 on a 
platform of ending corruption and subordination to foreign powers 
and beginning a social revolution, he won handily, with some 56 per 
cent of the vote, drawing support even from sectors of the middle 
class that now oppose him bitterly.

The last three years have indeed been revolutionary.  Chavez pushed 
through a new constitution that was approved in a popular 
referendum.  He formed a political coalition that won control of the 
National Assembly.   The Assembly passed the famous package of 
49 laws that included an agrarian reform law, a law to protect small 
fishermen, and a law limiting the role of the private sector in exploiting 
Venezuela's vast oil reserves.

"Many people in the media at first criticized him for being merely 
rhetorical in his promises.  But when he moved to create and 
implement revolutionary measures, these same people started to 
oppose him," says Jimenez.  

In foreign policy, Chavez' moves were equally bold.  He was effusive 
in his admiration for Fidel Castro.  He broke the embargo against 
state visits to Saddam Hussein.  And he played a key role in uniting 
OPEC to manage oil production in order to stabilize the price of oil.  
These moves did not endear him to the United States.

Indeed, Chavez' foreign policy is breathtakingly Bolivarian.  Not only 
does he dream of a regionally integrated oil industry.  He also speaks 
about a South Atlantic Treaty Organization that would have only Latin 
American and African members and would be geared to preserve the 
common security of the Southern countries.  He has not hidden his
skepticism about the Bush administration's Free Trade Area of the 
Americas proposal, and his aides say that it will not win approval in a 
referendum in Venezuela.

Yet Chavez has his critics on the left was well.  Some say he is too 
aggressive in personal style and too quick to brand those with 
legitimate criticism as "enemies of the people."  Others say that he is 
too dependent on support on loyalist groups within the military, and 
this will be difficult to maintain given the middle-class origins of most 
officers.  "These people have to live day to day in the midst of middle 
class people who hate Chavez," says a Chavez supporter who 
requested anonymity.  Still others say that that he has not gone 
beyond charismatic populism to have a well-articulated program of 
change.  As Anibal Quijano puts it, "'Chavismo' needs to be 
converted quickly into a genuine democratic process liberated from 
the mystical relationship of the dispersed and disorganized masses 
with a caudillo with the peculiar style of Chavez."   Some say that 
while Chavez and his allies have begun to depersonalize and 
institutionalize the revolution via the formation of the Bolivarian circles, 
this comes comes rather late in the game.

REVOLUTION AND COUNTERREVOLUTION
Whether late or not, the government is moving to organize popular 
power.  The Bolivarian circles are seen as institutions of self-
government, which are given exceptional latitude in determining 
projects and priorities.  "People have to stop waiting for government 
to do things for them.  They have to start doing things for themselves,
with local government in a support role," says Freddie Bernal, the 
mayor of large low-income district Libertador and one of Chavez' 
most trusted aides.
The revolution is real, but so is the counterrevolution.  The 
atmosphere of high tension in Caracas reminds one of Santiago in 
1973, when the elite and the middle class were massing in the streets 
demanding the ouster of the "dictatorial" government of Salvador 
Allende which had allegedly introduced "the politics of hate" in a once 
pacific country.

The democratic rhetoric is the same, but then as now, in 1973 Chile
and in 2002 Venezuela, the problem the right faces is that the 
revolutionary leader has been popularly elected.  Moreover, the 
revolutionary constitution has been democratically approved.  And the
laws addressing the social inequalities have been passed by a
democratic parliament.

Then as now as well, the right is on strike economically, withholding 
hundreds of millions of dollars worth of investment or moving it 
offshore, thus worsening the economic crisis that Chavez inherited 
from previous administrations.  "It's a self-fulfilling prophecy," says 
one pro-Chavez partisan who requested anonymity. "They refuse to 
invest, and when the crisis worsens, they blame it on Chavez.  This is 
not to say that Chavez has not made mistakes.  Some of his measures 
come across as being thought up by the IMF."

Will there be another coup attempt?  Martin Lopez, an anti-Chavez 
small businessman, says that the dominant tendency on both sides is to 
turn away from violence and towards negotiation. He is cautiously 
hopeful that a coming mission to promote dialogue headed by former 
US President Jimmy Carter will succeed.

Many are less optimistic, noting that the opposition's main condition 
for starting dialogue--Chavez' stepping down--is a non-starter.  

What if there is another attempt by the opposition to violently seize 
power, I ask some people in the lower-class community of Nazareno, 
high up on one of the mountain slopes towering over downtown
Caracas.  Rosa Quintero, a woman of around 40 years of age, 
answers:  "Look, we went down on April 12, not because we were 
looking for food or money," referring to the lower class mobilizations 
that reinstalled Chavez.  "We went because we were fighting for our 
future.  And we are prepared to do it again." 

The right's dilemma is that to reimpose control over Venezuela, it will 
have to do it over the dead bodies of thousands of poor people, 
including possibly that of Quintero.   And that of Chavez, who, like his 
role model, is playing not only for the present but for history.  "The 
mistake they made on April 11," he is reported to have remarked, "is
that they did not kill me.  They won't make it again.  And I am 
prepared to die rather than betray our Bolivarian principles."

And the US?  The dilemma of Washington's ruling unilateralists is that
while there is no easy, "non-messy" way of getting rid of a 
democratically elected president, they cannot afford to have another 
Fidel Castro in the region, especially a Fidel that reigns in a country 
that is the US's second biggest foreign oil supplier.

*Executive Director of Focus on the Global South, a program of the 
Chulalongkorn University Social Research Institute.

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Venezuela | Texts by Walden Bello | Argentina | IMF/ WB | actions 2002 | www.agp.org (archives) | www.all4all.org