www.agp.org | archivos de los protestos globales: Venezuela Black December

1. Venezuela Black December (By La Jornada)
The new coup against the government of Venezuela by the oil industry was to be foreseen by September of this year. This was the continuation of the failed coup d'état in April of this year. Therefore there was not any need of the snipers, which got involved on any opportunity, nor of the mass media controlled by the leading groups of the economic powers.
2. Solidarity Action (By ATTAC Venezuela)
ATTAC Venezuela calls your attention to the role played by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) during this year regarding the situation in Venezuela. According to ATTAC Venezuela, the IACHR, has favored the interests of the wealthiest and reactionary sectors of the economy and media which are responsible for destabilizing democracy in Venezuela and the legal Government, elected in fair and legitimate elections.
3. Venezuela Sign on Letter Against a Coup (By CEPR)
As the political crisis worsens in Venezuela, the White House remains silent. We invite you to join an appeal and urge President Bush and the Administration to make a clear statement against unconstitutional and violent means to resolve the current crisis and explain that it will not tolerate a coup government nor have diplomatic or normal commercial relations with any coup-installed government. (Marie Dennis,Bishop Thomas J. Gumbleton, Noam Chomsky, George Kourous, Sarah C. Aird, Katherine Hoyt, Diana Bohn, Mark Weisbrot, ... etc.)
[4. WTO Tidbits (By the Attac workgroup on International Treaties)]

Venezuela Black December

By La Jornada
Translation. coorditradattac.org volunteer translators (*)

After the failure that took place in April, Black December was part of the strikes organised in Venezuela.

The new coup against the government of Venezuela by the oil industry was to be foreseen by September of this year. This was the continuation of the failed coup d'état in April of this year. Therefore there was not any need of the snipers, which got involved on any opportunity, nor of the mass media controlled by the leading groups of the economic powers .

Nevertheless, what is even more astonishing is the speed at which the revolutionaries have decided to put an end to Chavez's government. A government that got the people's support during the April' coup d'etat and also when the Bolivian constitution considers that « all nominations and decisions can be revoked » once the officials have completed half of their term. This could mean that Chávez can be subjected to a repealing referendum in August 2003.

Analysts conclude, that the United States urgently need to tighten their control over the oil reserves in this region in the context of an imminent war against Iraq. And this is despite the fact that Chávez repeatedly promised to fulfil his duties even after having acknowledged the consequences of a U.S. intervention in the coup d'état of April 11th. Venezuela sells one million barrels of oil per day to the United States and the country holds millions of investments in gas stations and refineries.

The hurry of certain opponents is related to the growing impatience of the revolutionaries foreign advisors who could withdraw their financial support. Sooner even, it could also be connected to the law on hydrocarbons, which will be applied in January 2003, allowing the government to operate against the board of directors entrenched in the offices of Petróleos de Venezuela (PDVSA). The law about land reforms will also be enacted. It strongly opposes itself to big landowners, which many of them have close ties with governors and mayors of the opposition.

Black December was part of a plan by the entrepreneurs for a major strike; by which they denounced the corresponding sectors close to the government, after the incredible breakdown in April. It affected it to such an extent that it led to fractions in the complex ring of opponents, leaving the more radicals desperate.

Among the plans for the oil coup d'état exposed by this newspaper, was the « document number 5 » from the Democratic Co-ordinator, which pointed out the important role of the PDVSA management in order to pin Chávez against the wall by drying out the government resources. This company, which is ingrainzed in a context of a corrupted power shared by political and private groups, contributes to only a little more than 20% to the state income. The rest goes into ambiguous operational costs.

To the effigy and the similarities to the eighties.

Therefore the feeling of emergency is being worsen by the threatening shadow of the revolution that has been there since Hugo Chávez's victory at the 1998 elections. At first the conspiracy was to hinder the victory and now it is to destroy it. The democratic co-ordinator , which consists of influential entrepreneurial groups and of members from the old political class of the destroyed coalition share appearances and the similarities with the coalitions sponsored by Washington during the 80's, intervening in Nicaragua or Panama.

A formula that had already been used in Chile when civilians prepared the coup d'état together alongside with Augusto Pinochet.

A similar situation has been seen in Venezuela where the trade union bosses of the worker's central (CTV) joined in the strike of the patrons. Which company in the world would have supported the closure of its gates in such times, unless it receives financial support from a network? Which workers can resist the obligation to follow their patrons' suite? Although in the case of Venezuela, military forces such as the ones like Pinochet's were needed, the government of the United States and its allies are on stage. Moreover, the mass media of Venezuela are in the hands of the opposition, except one single TV station, which cannot compete with the rest due to its low technical standard.

Last September, actions of the new revolutionaries have gained a clear profile in view of a « Black September » which was a failure, according to some reports on Venezuela published in La Jornada. The supreme court (TSJ) then decided, that April 11 was not a coup d'état, despite the fact that a president had been abducted to a military base and the Congress as well as all other democratic institutions being closed down.

These mishaps again carry the marks of a plot led by mother oil. The Venezuelan weekly Proceso reports in great detail from investigators and analysts and mentions the actors in the oil coup d'état. One of the first actions in April was the suspension of the delegation to the OPEC and to Cuba. Analysts claim that the conspiracy at PDVSA gained momentum, when in October 2001 the former army member Guaicaipuro Lameda was appointed president of this state company and by the activities of politicians like Luis Giusti, former president of the Venezuelan state oil company and now energy advisor in the Unites States.

According to the report established by experts in April and May 2001, there was already a plan that aimed at privatising the PDVSA, as well as a conspiracy in order to oust Chavez. During his five months term, Lameda reinforced his ties with the revolutionary sectors in the armed forces. They, among others, improved their relation with the civil sector and the opposing mayors (Every mayor has control over his police force due to the decentralised system in existence.) The state intelligence organisation discovered about Lameda's activities, his meetings with Luis Giusti in Washington, with Henry Kissinger in New York, with the former president Carlos Andrés Pérez in Miami and of course with the chamber of commerce.

When Lameda was removed from his office, a new era of conspiracy began, the open: Rumours were spread among employees about massive personal reductions while in PDVSA, the strike lines were drawn up to finalise the coup d'état, refineries were paralysed, the local secretariat for gasoline was closed, the oil terminals were paralysed, including the secretariats for aircraft kerosene.

Based on testimonies and videos from the coup in April, intelligence services discovered that a few death would be necessary for the action to reach its peak. Some of the conspiring military groups dealing with Lameda had been warned that not all in the armed forces could be convinced. « As there was no pressure from Chávez ».

Protected by impunity, the same army officers withdrew and settled in Plaza Francia de Altamira, proclaiming it a freed territory in order to encourage the masses to revolt against a government, which did not arrest anybody. In spite of the great publicity the military benefited from, they could not enough followers and then had to give the weapons for the entrepreneurial and oil coup d'etat of this time.

The initiators of the actual conspiracy were informed from Venezuela by the group of the Jóvenes Revolucionarios Bolivarianos. They claimed that the « fascist opposition » is preparing another « operetta revolution of April 11 ». Nevertheless Carlos Ortega, director of the CTV, has been appointed to call for demonstrations in front of the PDVSA plant in Chuau, where the youth claimed that there were « areas kept by the state security forces ».

« While the right wing bribed its contacts abroad, an extremist group, the « Bandera Roja » (the red band) claimed that they were looking for mercenaries. They and the officers from the Plaza Francia mobilised paramilitary key players in order « to create a violent situation » The youth got hold of a confidential document sent by the ambassador of the United States to the pentagon (SD-DIR-VE-01245-TS) informing about the progress of the plan. It stipulated that there is a need to warn all United States citizens which are not involved in these actions, to stay out or away from Venezuela. How would the American embassy know where the violent areas are? Were wondering the bolivarianos.

The document then follows as such, « facilitating the support of the systems, the equipment, material and human resources, which guarantee the participation of mass media and communication among our forces (the opposition), neutralise the communication systems of the government and the ability to mobilise the people. Put pressure on the supreme court (Tribunal Supremo de Justicia - TSJ) and other state institutions in order to take decisions against the government. Use all our human resources within the oil industry to make sure it is totally or at least by 70% paralysed. Use vehicles, barricades, roadblocks to paralyse the supply of petrol and food. The aim is to create chaos and destabilise the population. »

It further adds, « the Venezuelan managers who support us and their families have to be evacuated from the country by the first Sunday of December in the early hours of the national territory or at least from Caracas (...) it is essential to prevent armed forces intervening in the streets. We should use the actual militarised situation to generate acts of violence and disgrace these elements. »

Accusations against the Catholic Church

Likewise with the church, which prepared the masses in order to elaborate a document for the 2nd or 3rd of December against the government, accusing it of carrying out acts of violence against the people. « The government has been responsible for many death that have occurred ». How did they already know that there were going to be many death ? is asking the youth.

Another plan is « to use all the power of the mass media to achieve an international declaration condemning Venezuela. Activate the Vatican groups, which have supported the Opus Dei movement (an ultra conservative organisation within the catholic church). Certain international companies like McDonald's, General Motors, Coca-Cola and others should support the strike. »

These are the main elements of the plan denounced publicly by the youth. They keep drawing attention to the success of the Friday in the Plaza Francia. The opposition exhibited a picture of a supporter of the aggression in action against the mayor of Caracas, Fredy Bernal, a chavista. That is, the picture had already been taken while another detained says, that friends of dissident army personnel from the Plaza Francia have employed him. Of course, Venezuela is going through one of the most critical times of its history and, if we cannot stop the careers of the conspirators, there could be bloodshed in the country. If the humble Venezuelans supporting Chávez are not ridiculed over their will.

La Jornada - México
http://www.jornada.unam.mx/index.html

Grano de Arena 170
Contact for this article informativoattac.org

Solidarity Action

By ATTAC Venezuela
Translation. coorditradattac.org volunteer translators (*)

Let the Inter American Human Rights Commission know your opposition to its involvement with antidemocratic interests.

Send a letter to the Commission to prevent its manipulation as an anti democratic tool. This is an action meant to defend Venezuelan Democracy as well as to protect this institution from involvement with clearly antidemocratic interests.

ATTAC Venezuela calls your attention to the role played by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) during this year regarding the situation in Venezuela. According to ATTAC Venezuela, the IACHR, has favored the interests of the wealthiest and reactionary sectors of the economy and media which are responsible for destabilizing democracy in Venezuela and the legal Government, elected in fair and legitimate elections.

Within the frame of its mandate, in particular Articles forth, fifth, sixth and eleventh of ATTAC Venezuela's Incorporation Chart, (www.geocities.com/attac_vzla) based on respect of the interests of the people, in conformity with the rules of political ethics, International Law, social and human rights; on the defense of the rights established by the Venezuelan Constitution and the Universal Declaration on Human Rights, the struggle against the groups that impair or violate those rights in favor of individual interests, ATTAC Venezuela invites those who believe that Another World in Possible, to participate in this URGENT ACTION.

PLEASE FIND BELOW A STANDARD LETTER. COPY IT IN A NEW MESSAGE, SIGN YOUR NAME, ORGANIZATION, DATE, CITY AN SEND IT TO THE ADDRESSES LISTED AT THE END OF THIS MESSAGE. IN CASE YOU PREFER TO WRITE A NEW LETTER, REMEMBER THAT A RESPECTFUL LANGUAGE SHOULD BE USED TO ADDRESS THE COMMISSIONEERS.

While the international community supports the Venezuelan democracy during the unsuccessful, antidemocratic and conspiratorial stoppage, the IACHR clearly favors the interests of sectors that bet on the downfall of Hugo Chavez legal Government.

Since the beginning of the year, the activity of the IACHR with regards to Venezuela has been overtaken by antidemocratic sectors. During the April coup attempt, Executive Secretary of the IACHR eagerly recognized the de facto government, repudiated unambiguously by the international community. The IACHR also contributed in several occasions to criminalize the liberty to protest peacefully against the outrageous behavior of the privately owned media.

On December 12, during the strike for the destabilization promoted by privileged minorities, the IACHR published a press release which repeats in full a distorted and tricky version of the Venezuelan situation, artificially construed with the political bias that seeks the overthrow of the democratic regime.

As many entities and foreign administrations have acknowledged during the last weeks, the main threat that the Venezuelan democratic Government faces comes from the destabilizing activity of minority groups and not from the government entities. However, the IACHR over states the legitimate preoccupations on human rights, while keeping silence about the real threat of the antidemocratic tactics and acts of violence and intolerance that the opposition sector is using to overthrow the legal government.

The press release calls the Organization of American States (OAS) to use "all available mechanisms", a language that may constitute a generic and reckless legitimacy of any form of foreign intervention. The nature of this call clearly contradicts the Inter American Democratic Charter that provides concrete mechanisms to support and protect democratic regimes.

Let the Commission know your rejection of its biased and manipulated position by those interested on the destabilization of the Government and demand a that it performs a fair and balanced action in favor of human rights and democracy in all countries and not only for the sake of the antidemocratic wealthiest minorities. This URGENT ACTION is not meant to disqualify the function of protection of the institution nor ignore the reality and seriousness of some of the questionings made on the human rights situation in this country, or the gravity of the political crisis. However, the biased position taken by the Commission during the current political situation, before, during and after the attempted coup of last April, far from benefiting a pacific and democratic resolution, it only adds to its radicalization while providing the unilateral vision of the anti-democratic sectors. This is why we need to inform the Commission that such a biased behavior must cease for the sake of Venezuelan Democracy and the Hemisphere as well as for the development of the Inter American Human Rights System.

The complete report that originated this URGENT ACTION is available at www.geocities.com/attac_vzla

Attac Venezuela

STANDARD LETTER

To: cidhoeaoas.org
CC: cidhlaoas.org; corteidhcorteidh.org.cr; attac-venezuelacantv.net

Inter American Commission on Human Rights- Organization of American States (OAS) Washington DC

Dear Commissioners,

I respectfully address you to express my preoccupation regarding the behavior of the Inter American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter IACHR) during the Venezuelan crisis and the possibility that its prestigious task be misused in favor of antidemocratic interests. In several occasions, some organizations have expressed their preoccupation with the tendency of the IACHR to prejudge facts not well established, allegedly incriminating partisans of the democratic Government, with the hurried recognition of the Executive Secretary to the de facto government which briefly overthrew the democratic Administration of Venezuela and with the procedure used to circulate the May on-site visit report.

Said preoccupations have increased with the release of the press communication on December 12, due to the overt partiality used to qualify the rule of law and the human rights situation in the country, and its call to OAS members, which may be interpreted as outside the scope of the Inter American Democratic Charter.

We concur with the IACHR that the country is going through a political crisis which requires extraordinary efforts to avoid further polarization. Notwithstanding questionings on the behavior of public institutions and the human rights situation, it is obvious that this crisis was originated primarily by the antidemocratic behavior of political dissidents that have decided to ignore the Constitution and the democratically elected authorities.

Therefore, it causes great preoccupation that the Commission, when denouncing the threats to the Democratic Process, restricts itself to gather the unilateral complaints and accusations, much of them groundless, from the opponents to the Government. Instead of contributing to peaceful solutions to the current crisis, those actions increase the level of polarization and favor a distorted vision of the domestic reality, formulated with the express purpose of providing legitimacy to the overthrown of a democratically elected Government.

It fact, it appears incomprehensible that in the current context the IACHR does not mention the strategy of the opposition against the legal authorities, the going on of a strike already condemned by the General Secretary of the Organization of American States, the damaging of the national economy and particularly of the oil industry, as well as the numerousness calls for military uprisings. When referring the circumstances of the violence, your press release repeats in an irresponsible and imprecise manner the dissidents tactics to criminalize the right to demonstrate and points to acts of violence, which have been manipulated by the opposition in its own interests, while the IACHR does not mention the multiples riots and violence committed by the sectors opposing the legal Government, including the killings of numerous peasant leaders or the recent attempts on the life of two high officials.

In addition, the IACHR call to the OAS countries to use "all mechanisms available" to avoid the worsening of the situation is at least imprudent, omitting a specific mention to Article 17 of the Inter-American Democratic Chart, which provides the only mechanism with legitimacy in case of attacks against a democratic regime. In addition, the IACHR call to the OAS countries to use "all mechanisms available" to avoid the worsening of the situation is at least imprudent, omitting a specific mention to Article 17 of the Inter-American Democratic Chart, which provides the only mechanism with legitimacy in case of attacks against a democratic regime. The declarations made afterwards by the President of the IACHR, Juan Mendez, did indeed provide some nuance to the questionings and did explicitly refer to the Article 17 of the Chart -which establishes a mechanism in favor of a democratic administration- however the press release being an official document of the IACHR may be seen as a dangerous precedent.

This is why I urge the Commission to undertake all necessary efforts to act in accordance with its mandate, with complete independence and impartiality. Acting otherwise would seriously undermine the willingness of the IACHR to contribute to a democratic and peaceful solution in favor of the human rights for all Venezuelan citizens.

Therefore, I take this opportunity to suggest the IACHR to issue urgently an official and fair statement on its preoccupation about the stability of the Democracy in Venezuela, mentioning the fact that the threats against its stability come from the violent and antidemocratic sectors of the opposition, responsible for many of the casualties generated by such a violence and intolerance.

I also take advantage of this letter to express my profound respect for the task undertaken by the IACHR, within the Inter American Human Rights System, on the protection and defense of Human Rights and the protection of democracy in Latin America, as well as on the need for additional mechanisms for effective and unbiased guarantees of its prestigious contribution. I respectfully request an answer to the present communication and the facts stated in it.

In light of the increasing political tension in Venezuela, and recognizing that part of the opposition leadership is determined to remove President Hugo Chavez by any means necessary, we, the undersigned organizations and individuals, call upon you to state unequivocally that the United States government opposes any attempt to remove the democratically elected government of Venezuela by a military coup or other unconstitutional means. Furthermore, the White House should affirm that the United States would not have diplomatic or normal commercial relations with a coup-installed government.

We believe that the silence of the White House since the military coup of April 11, which the administration appeared to endorse, is widely interpreted as support for further coup attempts. We are concerned that this perception reduces the incentive for opposition leaders and the Chavez government to pursue dialogue or peaceful solution to the current crisis.

We are also concerned that, while senior officials at the White House have maintained their silence, Otto Reich, currently the State Department's special envoy to the Western Hemisphere, recently singled out the Venezuelan government for criticism, stating that "an election is not sufficient to call a country a democracy." This was an unusual departure from diplomatic protocol, and in light of the April coup, has made Venezuelan government officials even more suspicious of Washington's motives.

The role of the United States government in the coup of April 11 remains unclear. We know that top US officials met with leaders of the coup in the months before it happened. Opposition groups that were involved in the coup also received funding from the United States government. At the same time, the Bush Administration openly expressed its hostility to the government of President Chavez. According to the State Department Office of the Inspector General, one of the reasons for this friction was President Chavez's "involvement in the affairs of the Venezuelan oil company and the potential impact of that on oil prices."

Furthermore, the State Department's Office of the Inspector General, after looking into the role of US officials before and after the April coup, concluded that US warnings against the coup "may not have gone far enough. Among the many accounts of such warnings, few went beyond the standard, ritualistic 'no undemocratic or unconstitutional change' formulation. Warnings of non-recognition of a coup-installed government, economic sanctions, and other concrete punitive actions were few and far between. This, too, has been recognized and lamented in retrospect by some senior U.S. officials."

The State Department's OIG report further noted that "the very fact that the United States regularly and repeatedly met with those interested in ousting the Chavez government and heard them out may in and of itself have been seen as lending support to their efforts, notwithstanding our ritualistic denunciations of undemocratic and unconstitutional means."

In light of these circumstances, the current White House silence on its opposition to a military coup or any other possible unconstitutional overthrow of Venezuela's democratically elected government is seen throughout Venezuela and elsewhere as support for such illegal actions. Opposition leaders who are determined to overthrow the government have little incentive to pursue dialogue or a peaceful solution, if they believe that the United States government will support them no matter what they do.

The U.S. government should demonstrate its ongoing and active support for democratically elected governments. Only a strong statement of condemnation from the White House explaining that the U.S. opposes violent and unconstitutional actions, will not tolerate a coup government and will impose sanctions upon any coup-installed government, will send the right democratic message to Venezuelan political actors as well as other governments in Latin America.

We therefore call upon the White House to make its position clear, before Venezuela slides closer to the brink of civil war.

Sincerely,

Marie Dennis, Director Maryknoll Office for Global Concerns

Bishop Thomas J. Gumbleton, Auxiliary Bishop Archdiocese of Detroit

Noam Chomsky, PhD. Department of Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

George Kourous, Director, Americas Program, IRC Interhemispheric Resource Center (IRC)

Sarah C. Aird, Executive Director Network in Solidarity with the People of Guatemala (NISGUA)

Katherine Hoyt, National Co-Coordinator Nicaragua Network

Diana Bohn, Co-Coordinator Nicaragua Center for Community Action

Mark Weisbrot, Co-Director Center for Economic and Policy Research

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